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Arab migrations to the Levant

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The Arab migrations to the Levant involved successive waves of migration and settlement by Arab people in the Levant region of West Asia, encompassing modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine and Israel. The process took place over several centuries, lasting from the early 7th century to the modern period. The Arab migrants hailed from various parts of the Middle East, particularly the Arabian Peninsula.

History and migrations

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Arabs presence in the region under the Byzantines

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Before the Muslim conquest, the Arab presence in the Levant mainly consisted of Bedouin tribes inhabiting the borderlands and southern desert regions, including the Negev desert, the Syrian Desert west of the Euphrates, and the area around Palmyra.[1] In contrast, the cultivated inner regions and cities of Palestine were predominantly populated by Christians, Jews, and Samaritans.[1] Local kingdoms fortified their borders against nomadic incursions, but despite these efforts, varying degrees of penetration occurred.[2] Local fears and concerns about the Bedouin are reflected in both Talmudic and Patristic literature,[2] with the latter documenting Arab raids and acts of violence against monks.[3] By the 5th century, Arab tribes had settled near Jerusalem, as noted by Cyril of Scythopolis, who described Petros Aspabetos, a tribal chief from Mesopotamia, converting to Christianity and settling in camps east of Jerusalem, where he maintained good relations with the Christian authorities.[4] Trade relations also existed, with Meccan caravans traveling north, and Arab sources note that the Prophet's ancestors, including his grandfather Hishim and father 'Abdallah, engaged in business in Gaza.[2]

Arab sources depict Byzantine-allied tribes such as the Banu Judham and Banu Ghassan as concentrated in Provincia Arabia (later known as Palestina Tertia), encroaching over the Levant's borderlands and on the frontiers of the Roman and later Byzantine Empires.[5] In one Arabic source, the region is referred to as "al-Takhim", a term borrowed from Hebrew and most certainly used by Jews.[5] The Banu Judham, the main tribe inhabiting the deserts south of Palestine, are associated with Shuaib in Arab tradition. Their Christian influences were notable due to their Byzantine connections, and while some members of the Banu Wa'il branch were connected to Judaism, only a few actually converted.[6] The Banu Lakhm, who mingled with the Banu Judham and were based in the northern Euphrates, also had a presence in Palestine.[5] The Banu Ghassan, or Ghassanids, a large federation of tribes, were important Byzantine allies against other Arab tribes.[5][7] Migrating in significant numbers[8] to southern Syria and northern Transjordan,[7] they established a vassal kingdom under Byzantine authority,[8] with their center in Jabiya, a settlement located in the eastern Golan.[7]

Rashidun era (632–661 CE)

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The Rashidun Caliphate, under Abu Bakr and Umar ibn al-Khattab, ascended to power following the death of Muhammad in 632 CE, rapidly expanding through military campaigns and conquering the Levant. Within three years, the regions of Syria and Palestine were under Muslim control.[9]

Although the Arabs caused less destruction during their conquest compared to the Persians decades earlier,[10] the Muslim conquest led to emigration, evidenced by both Arab and Syrian sources.[10] Residents of Damascus, and coastal cities such as Sidon, Arca, Byblos, Beirut fled their towns.[10] The Romans inhabitants of towns like Baldah, Jabalah and Antartus similarly deserted.[10] and it appears that the citizens of Emesa also departed, as an Arab commander allocated the abandoned houses and lands to Muslim Arabs.[10] Antioch's residents were given the choice to stay and pay tax or leave, and many chose the latter.[10] Archaeological evidence, including a notable reduction in Caesarea's urban area, suggests that large-scale migration and depopulation occurred, especially along the Levantine coast; some Syrian cities also experienced substantial size reductions.[10]

Umar ibn al-Khattab honored a promise made by the Prophet Muhammad to Tamim al-Dari, an Arab from the Banu Lakhm tribe who converted to Islam and joined Muhammad in Medina, becoming one of his companions. In recognition of his service, the Prophet promised him lands in Hebron and Bayt 'Aynun (and, according to some sources, Bethlehem), along with a bill of rights.[11] Umar ultimately fulfilled this promise, and Tamim seemingly served as the collector of tax lands (kharaj) in these areas. His descendants are reported to have continued residing there into the medieval period.[11]

The Banu Ghassan, who preferred to remain Christian, were asked to pay land and poll taxes. Their leader refused, asserting Arab exemption from such taxes, and Umar ultimately conceded.[5]

Umayyad era (661–750)

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The Umayyad Caliphate, which succeeded the Rashidun in 661, heavily invested in the Levant and established Damascus as its capital. This period was, according to Moshe Gil, "undoubtedly the golden age of the Arab tribes who penetrated into Palestine with the Muslim conquest."[12] The Islamic leaders aimed to preserve the distinct identity and traditional lifestyle of the tribes, incorporating Islamic elements while preventing their assimilation into local populations. This approach applied to both the Arab tribes previously living on the borders of Palestine and those who joined as part of the Muslim army, maintaining their separate status from the local inhabitants.[12]

Umayyad policies involved extensive population transfers as a means of managing and reshaping demographics.[13] The Caliphate, starting in the early decades after the conquest, employed this practice both to populate newly conquered regions and to address demographic shifts. Mu'awiya settled Arab tribes and Persians in coastal Syria, and similarly resettled Jews in Tripoli.[13] After the conquest of Balis, he replaced the departing local inhabitants with Arab tribes that had just converted to Islam.[13]

The situation in Palestine under the Umayyads is reflected in Ya'qubi's late and somewhat limited account, written in 892 and possibly based on Umayyad sources. Ya'qubi described a diverse mix of tribes in Jund Filastin, including Lakhm, Judham, 'Amilah, Kinda, Qays, and Kinana.[12] Ya'qubi reported that the Banu Judham resided in the area of Bayt Jibrin.[14] The Nessana papyri list 59 clans and mention two tribes, Judham and Qays.[12] It seems that immigrants were directed to new administrative centers by the government, playing a role in promoting Islamization and Arabization.[15]

According to Ya'qubi, the 'Amila tribe settled in Jabal al-Jalil, with nearby Tyre inhabited by people of mixed origins. The 'Amila became the dominant group in the region, which was named after them.[16] Some scholars suggest based on local traditions that the tribe was already Shi'ite upon settling in the 7th century.[16]

In the early 8th century, the city of Ramla was founded by the Islamic authorities as the capital of Jund Filastin. By 892, Ya'qubi described Ramla as having a diverse population of both Arabs and non-Arabs.[17]

Khirbet Abu Suwwana, an archaeological site in the northern Judaean Desert founded in the early 8th century was likely established by nomadic groups who penetrated the area after the Muslim conquest.[4]

Al-Tabari notes that Caliph Marwan I (r. 684–685) faced pressure to honor his promise to the Banu Kindah, allowing them to settle in the Balqa region of Transjordan.[14]

Fatimid era (909–1171)

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The Shi'ite Fatimid Caliphate moved or encouraged Shi'ite immigrants to settle in cities along the Levantine coastal plain, such as Tyre,[18] as well as in Tiberias and its surrounding areas.[19]

Crusader era (1099–1187)

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A large number of Bedouins were invited by the Crusaders to settle in the region of Samaria.[20] The arrival of Bedouins and other Muslims led to the gradual replacement of the native Samaritan population, with some Samaritans possibly converting to Islam, while others joined other Samaritan communities, notably in Nablus.[20] Over time, the Bedouins transitioned from a nomadic lifestyle to becoming settled inhabitants of the region. As a result, much of the present population now lives in towns and villages. The Bedouin settlement could account for the tribal structure observed in parts of the rural society, known as the 'ushrān, to this day.[20]

Following Saladin's conquest of Jerusalem, Muslim migrants from the Maghreb responded to his call to settle in the city.[21]

Impact

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Islamization

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The Arab migrations played a key role in the Islamization of the Holy Land. As Christian, Jewish, and Samaritan populations gradually emigrated, large numbers of Muslim, predominantly Arab, settlers moved into the region.[22] Over time, many non-Muslims who remained converted to Islam at different rates.[22] Christian communities persisted in greater numbers, likely due to their larger size and better organization, while Jewish communities experienced a revival through immigration. In contrast, Samaritan immigration was minimal, and their presence dwindled over time.[22]

See also

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Bibliography

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  • Avni, Gideon (2014). The Byzantine-Islamic Transition in Palestine: An Archaeological Approach. Oxford Studies in Byzantium. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199684335.
  • Gil, Moshe (1997). A History of Palestine, 634–1099. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0 521 40437 1.
  • Ehrlich, Michael (2022). The Islamization of the Holy Land, 634–1800. Medieval Islamicate World. ARC Humanities Press. ISBN 9781802700312.
  • Theodoropoulos, Panagiotis (2020). "The Migration of Syrian and Palestinian Populations in the 7th Century: Movement of Individuals and Groups in the Mediterranean". Migration Histories of the Medieval Afroeurasian Transition Zone. Studies in Global Social History, Volume: 39/13. Brill. ISBN 9789004425613.

Citenotes

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  1. ^ a b Gil 1997, p. 15.
  2. ^ a b c Gil 1997, p. 16.
  3. ^ Gil 1997, p. 17.
  4. ^ a b Avni 2014, p. 155.
  5. ^ a b c d e Gil 1997, p. 19.
  6. ^ Gil 1997, p. 18.
  7. ^ a b c Avni 2014, p. 212.
  8. ^ a b Ehrlich 2022, pp. 77–78.
  9. ^ Theodoropoulos 2020, p. 271.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g Theodoropoulos 2020, pp. 265–266.
  11. ^ a b Gil 1997, pp. 129–130.
  12. ^ a b c d Gil 1997, p. 134.
  13. ^ a b c Theodoropoulos 2020, p. 273.
  14. ^ a b Gil 1997, pp. 132–133.
  15. ^ Ehrlich 2022, p. 27.
  16. ^ a b Ehrlich 2022, p. 83.
  17. ^ Gil 1997, p. 173.
  18. ^ Ehrlich 2022, pp. 46, 56.
  19. ^ Ehrlich 2022, pp. 65.
  20. ^ a b c Ehrlich 2022, pp. 93.
  21. ^ Ehrlich 2022, pp. 104.
  22. ^ a b c Ehrlich 2022, pp. 5.