Poverty in ancient Rome

Modern scholars of ancient Rome have found difficulty in defining who was considered to be living in poverty due to their lack of significant coverage in the historical record, and the difficulty in defining the lines between poverty and middle class. Roman writers describe the poorer parts of the population as unvirtuous and immoral masses who were threats to the nation and unconcerned with the values of the Roman world. Ancient Roman Christian depictions tend to depict the poor as more sympathetic and often call for the wealthy to help them. There were other efforts to help the poor, such as the Cura Annonae, a policy which redistributed grain. The Roman poor also had limited rights. They were unable to access political offices, had higher tax rates, and were unable to afford most status symbols.

Definition

Relief depicting Roman slaves

Defining poverty in ancient Rome can be difficult. The conditions of most people in the Roman world resembled modern ideas of poverty; ancient Rome was a largely agrarian, rural society afflicted with high rates of infant mortality, poor diets, and low literacy rates. Ancient Rome may have lacked a distinctively poor social class. Poverty in the ancient world was possibly a fatal, unsustainable condition, preventing the development of a poor social class. Roman poverty can be defined by the lack of presence in the historical record. Archaeological evidence of poorer classes and people of low social status in ancient Rome is rare.

Amongst Roman citizens, there existed various social distinctions. In many cases, these strata were organized according to political power more than economic standing; for example, the Patricians earned greater political influence due to their claimed descent from the first 100 senators of ancient Rome while the Plebeians were the common citizens with less political significance. Similarly, the honestiores and humiliores were a Roman social distinction that classified the holders of high offices such as senators as honestiores and the rest of the population as humiliores. The honestiores, being composed of individuals ranging from consuls to army veterans, almost certainly comprised a variety of distinct economic classes. Similarly, the humiliores must have consisted of individuals of a wide range of wealth as almost the entirety of the Roman population fell into this category. Roman writers typically do not differentiate between different social strata amongst the poorer plebeian classes, instead dividing society into the wealthy upper-class patricians or equestrians and the lower-class masses. Poverty itself may have been partially defined by the lack of political power; during the Roman Republic, only a small fraction of the massive population was truly capable of partaking in or influencing the political process either because they lacked the legal ability to vote due to non-citizenship or because they lacked the practical capacity to deliver their ballot.

Another uncertainty is the presence of a Roman middle class. Their society may have consisted of a handful of wealthy individuals which made up 0.6% of the population, an army that made up 0.4% of the population, and the poor masses that made up 99% of the populace. However, the Roman census tracked a wide variety of different social classes, implying that there were likely more middling classes consisting of people who maintained sizeable amounts of wealth without qualifying as rich. Other scholars, such as William Harris divided Roman society into three economic classes: those that relied on other's work, those that were well-off although they still worked, and the slaves and menial laborers. However, there is little archaeological evidence that can pinpoint who belonged to these classes. Landownership may also have distinguished the poor from the wealthy in much of the Roman countryside. Those with significant amounts of quality land capable of yielding good crops were undoubtedly much wealthier than those without such luxuries. Such persons would have been freed from concerns affecting poorer civilians, such as food insecurity. Land was widely used as security for loans, making it harder for landless people to acquire wealth. Urbanized settings contained populations of landless, yet not necessarily impoverished, people; artisans and laborers in towns or cities could enrich themselves through their work, or at least benefit from food security. Cicero, a 1st-century BCE Roman statesmen, claims that the Servian Constitution, a legal text allegedly instituted by a legendary Roman king named Servius Tullius, classified the rich as the assidui and the poor as the proletarii. According to Cicero, the assidui were the wealthy while the proletarii were those who lacked more than 1,500 sesterces. Cicero believed that the proletarii were primarily expected to contribute children to the Roman population.

Estimates of the prices in ancient Rome suggest that even a small amount of money, amounting to 375 sesterces, could have equated to an annual income between 1,900 and 2,700 kilograms of grain. For a family of 4, this income likely could have provided between 475 to 675 kilograms of grain per person each year. This number is around the estimated GDP per capita of the Roman empire, which could have amounted to around 600 kilograms of grain. If these estimates are correct, which they may not be, then the poorer parts of the Roman population likely could reliably sustain themselves, although not live comfortably. It is possible that the GDP per capita of Roman Italy was similar to the economies of 18th-century Netherlands or Spain. Although incomes were certainly lower in the provinces, possibly around half the wages in Italy, archaeological evidence of urban development suggests that the population was growing during the early Empire. Significant population growth further implies that the average provincial Roman had enough wealth to exist at subsistence living, facilitating population expansion. The historians Dr. Walter Scheidel and Dr. Steven Friesen estimated that, during the Roman Empire, around 6-12% of the Roman population had "middle-class" incomes, with the poor constituting around 80% of the population. They estimate that the Roman Empire had a Gini coefficent—a method for measuring wealth inequality—of 0.42 or 0.44.

British classicist Dr. Alan Bowman analyzed a register documenting Roman Hermopolis; he found an extremely high Gini coefficent of 0.815%. This suggests that most of the property was concentrated within a small segment of the population. Similar statistics, a Gini coefficient of 0.737 are found in a separate land register documenting the settlement of Philadelphia in Faiyum. The calculations of Bagnall have been criticized by the classicist Dr. Roger Bagnall, who computed the Gini coefficient for the Philadelphia register and found a much lower number of 0.518. However, this data is not representative of the general Roman population as it concerns city-dwellers, who likely did not depend upon landownership as their source of income. If landless residents were included, the measurements of wealthy inequality would like increase substantially. Dr. Bagnall attempted to estimate landownership rates through tax collection records from Karanis. The taxes were collected in wheat and barley in proportion to the private or public land of the taxpayer. Although calculating landownership rates using this method is simplistic, its value is reduced by the lack of distinction between public and private land found in these records as well as the potential for the collected tax not equaling the assessed tax. When the non-villagers of Karanis who merely owned country estates were included, Bagnall identified a Gini coefficient of 0.638. For the villagers of the town, Bagnall computed a Gini coefficient of 0.431 using only the best-preserved data. When only private land is considered, the Gini coefficient for the non-residents lowers to 0.626 and rises to 0.478 for the villagers. At this time, Karanis was a declining settlement; contemporary documents contain complaints about the failing irrigation system and notes about the unproductivity of the land. These factors would impact the results, preventing Karanis from reflecting the Roman world at large. Collectively, the data suggests that Egyptian villagers likely had little inequality in the distribution of land; however, non-residents of these villages who nonetheless still owned land likely had a much more unequal distribution of landownership. Classicist Dr. Richard Duncan-Jones examined land registers from throughout the Roman Empire and similarly concluded that the majority of the land was owned by a small class of wealthy people. His research identified that around 4 CE a single estate in Magnesia, owned 21% of the land.

Social status and stigma

Bust of Seneca

Philosophers such as Seneca and Epicurus believed that the lack of material comforts could lead to contentment with life and that increasing wealth did not reduce the problems a person suffered from, but merely altered it. In his Controversiae, Seneca asks "What is there that riches have not corrupted?" Seneca argued the unmitigated greed caused damage to the world, writing that "to meet the whims of crazy luxury every stone is quarried, forests are felled throughout the world." He continues, exclaiming "Poverty, how little known a good are you!" However, Seneca also believed that wealth facilitated self-improvement, while poverty prevented an individual from achieving any "virtue" other than not "being perverted nor crushed by his poverty." Seneca may not necessarily have been commenting upon poverty as an economic class, but instead the ideas of materialism and avarice. When Seneca claims that poverty can allow for individuals to be content with life, he may have been advising his readers to refrain from excessive indulgence in material luxury rather than become poor. Cynic philosophy maintained that humans should live lives in accordance with nature, they believed that poverty was a more desirable condition than wealth.

The Romans idolized the ideal of a farmer and an agrarian life. In the story of the Roman hero Cincinnatus, he is said to have lived on a small farm prior to and after assuming dictatorial power to help fight opponents of the Republic. Cicero lauded the rural lifestyle for promoting virtue, stating "the city creates luxury, from which avarice inevitably springs, while from avarice audacity breaks forth, the source of all crimes and misdeeds. On the other hand, this country life, which you call boorish, teaches thrift, carefulness, and justice." However, urban poverty was viewed as much more contemptable by many ancient Romans; they associated urban poverty with crime and disease.

By the late Republic, the poor were considered to be beneath others and to be lower in prestige and virtue than other social castes. The poor were viewed as treacherous dregs of society who were easily swayed and a threat to political stability. Sallust, a 1st-century BCE Roman politician and historian, claimed that the plebs supported the Cataline conspiracy, which threatened to overthrow the Roman government. Sallust argues that the envied wealthy persons and were motivated by their discontent to upend the social order. Roman writers also considered the poor to only be concerned with "bread and circuses," rather than the intricacies and values of Roman society. Tacitus, another 1st-century Roman writer, complains about the "degraded populace" who were "frequenters of the arena and the theatre." Martial, a 1st-century Roman poet, compares a poverty-stricken man named Cosmus to a dog, stating that whereas others mistake him for a Cynic philosopher, "He is no Cynic, Cosmus. What then? A dog." The man is described as elderly with white hair, an unkempt beard, and a cloak covering him. Martial describes an instance of the usage of litters and a servant to physically separate the rich from the poor; he claims the servant would clear crowds to prevent interaction between the masses and the wealthy client. This social stigma likely reinforced the economic inequality and the social stratification present in ancient Rome. Wealthy Romans were terrified of poverty, and the humiliations and social ostracization that came along with it.

Julius Paulus, a Roman jurist of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, commented upon a legal prohibition on gifts between a husband and wife, arguing that the law exclusively applied to scenarios in which the partners were hostile towards each other; he claims that it does not concern instances where the gift-givers are "merely afraid of poverty." Ulpian, a 3rd-century Roman jurist, advised women to divorce their husbands and regain their dowry if their spouse faced bankruptcy. In 336, Constantine issued a law forbidding legal unions between high-status individuals and low-status individuals. The law lists slave women, freedwomen, common women, actresses, the daughters of actresses, and the daughters of gladiators or pimps as groups of women considered of too low social status for high-class men to marry. If senators or other magistrates attempting to provide inheritance or gifts to the children of a low-status marriage, then they would lose the protection of their citizenship status regarding their civil status and their property. Constantine also included "humilis vel abiecta," meaning "low and degraded" persons in his category of low-class people. Marcian, in his legal novels, explains that some of his contemporaries considered poor people to constitute a "low and degraded" person. However, Marcian clarified that wealth had no bearing on whether an individual was deemed sufficient to marry a person of high-status.

When determining the punishment for crimes such as theft, homicide, insults, betrayal, libel, or criminal conspiracy, the social status of the accused was taken into account. Ulpian, in the Digests, explains that the poor or slaves would be subject to corporal punishment if they maliciously destroy a legal notice either written in the register of an official or on a piece of papyrus, while others would be subject to a fine of 50 aurei. In another section of the Digests, Ulpian explains that monetary penalties could be substituted with physical punishment if the victim was too poor to afford the fine. By 392, a law decreed that poor individuals who housed Christian heretics would be beaten with clubs and deported. Another law of Constantine states that if an individual challenged the validity of a legal decision and if that decision was found to be correct, then they would be forced to work in mines for 2 years assuming they were too poor to accept the penalty of forfeiting half of the property and being exiled to an island for 2 years. The punishment of being condemned to work in the mines is replicated in another law where it is instead used as a punishment for people who entered a trial to determine the freedom of a slave, and were defeated in court. If they were too poor to afford a fine, they would instead be sent to work in mines.

Despite these occasional references to poverty, Roman legal texts contain little mention of truly destitute people. The 1st-century jurist Publius Juventius Celsus describes a poor man who is forced to relinquish his ancestral tombs and household gods, indicating that this individual had sufficient wealth to afford such luxuries. Tryphoninus, a jurist recorded in the Digests, recounts the story of a supposedly poor man who authored his will without the knowledge of mass of wealth through his slaves. This story similarly implies a level of wealth in the poor man, as he had owned slaves.

Financial aid

An ancient Roman politician redistributes bread

The Cura Annonae was a program designed to aid the population of Rome. It was a grain redistribution program that gave free or subsidized grain. In the 2nd century BCE, Roman magistrates sometimes supplied grain from the provinces to the aediles who managed civilian markets in the city of Rome itself. The aediles would then cheaply distribute the food products, helping the magistrates to gain popular support. This practice set the precedent for the passing of the lex Sempronia frumentaria in 123 BCE, a law which established a ration of cheap grain available for all male Roman citizens above the age of 14, possibly 11. Augustus later reformed the system, delegating responsibility for managing the grain supply to 2—later doubled to 4—senatorial frumenti dandi. Between 8 and 14 CE, the grain supply came to be headed by the equestrian praefectus annonae. Those eligible for the Cura Annonae were likely also eligible for the Congiarium, a gift of money delivered by the emperor to the populous. Philanthropic acts could also be performed through the alimenta, a welfare program designed to aid orphans and poor children in Roman Italy. The program was started by Nerva and funded by wealth gained through the Dacian wars, philanthropy, and taxation. Although it was ended by Aurelian after his triumph.

Constantine issued a decree mandating the provision of food and clothing supplies to parents incapable of raising their children due to poverty: "It shall be incumbent on your office [consul] to ensure that if any parent shall produce a child whom on account of poverty he cannot raise, then food and clothing shall be furnished forthwith; for no delay can be tolerated in the matter of the rearing of a child." Another law instituted by Constantine noted that individuals were driven by poverty to sell their children into slavery; the law declares that financial aid should be provided toward people facing this situation to prevent them from selling their children. Valentinian I passed a law declaring that any clergyman who attempted to delay legal proceedings by issuing an appeal before the final ruling would be required to pay 50 pounds of silver in fine, money that would then, according to the legal text, be spent upon the poor.

Although in ancient Rome the concept of a legal person existed in the form of collegia, this principle did not extend to charitable organizations. For wealthy Romans to engage in philanthropy, donations had to be offered in the form of a gift or through a will. In some circumstances, wealthy Romans aimed to establish funds in the form of legislation proposed to local government. The 1st-century BCE Greek geographer Strabo described supplies to the poor in Rhodes being funded by wealthy philanthropists: "Accordingly, the people are supplied with provisions and the needy are supported by the well-to‑do, by a certain ancestral custom." An ancient inscription from Acmonia recounts a legislative proposal by an individual named Titus Flavius Praxias to, in 85 CE, to allocate the funds earned from select pieces of property for an annual banquet. Emperor Nerva permitted all local to receive gifts; by the reign of Hadrian all stipulations associated with donations were enforceable. However, the local government retained the right to reallocate the provided funds for other purposes. According to ancient records, an individual Gaius Vibius Salutaris attempted to create a fund for the six tribes of Ephesus. Although at least half the funds were used for other purposes. In 321, Constantine affirmed the legality of leaving testamentary gifts of money to the church with the intention of the funds eventually being redirected to the poor. Emperor Marcian, on 455, issued a law addressing the same practice; declaring that the uncertainty of the recipients—the "poor" are not necessarily a specific group—did not render the testament void.

Usually, ancient Roman philanthropy was motivated by a desire to receive something in return. Latin terms such as obligatus, nexus, and damnatus all were used to describe debtors, although they initially referred to the recipients of a gift who therefore owed a return on the favor. The 2nd-century BCE Roman comic playwright Terence mocked the reciprocal nature of Roman gift-fiving: "this reminder to the forgetful of a service rendered is almost a reproach." John Chrysostom, a 4th-century CE Christian apologist, rejected the idea that gifts should only be offered with the expectation of a reward: "Do not give to the rich who can give back."

Philanthropic acts were important for presenting oneself as a generous and virtuous member of society; if a wealthy Roman did not partake in philanthropy, they would bring infamia—a loss of social standing—onto themselves. According to Plutarch, a 1st-century CE Greek historian, the masses "are more hostile to a rich man who does not give them a share of his private possessions than to a poor man who steals from the public funds" as they believe that the former’s conduct is due to arrogance and contempt of them, but the latter’s to necessity." Cicero, claimed that the improvement of social status motivated most altruistic acts: "We may also observe that a great many people do many things that seem to be inspired more by a spirit of ostentation than by heart-felt kindness; for such people are not really generous but are rather influenced by a sort of ambition to make a show of being open-handed." It was common practice for people who had funded the construction of buildings to leave a marker announcing their role in the construction process. This practice was designed to boost the popularity and reputation of the benefactor, who, due to their philanthropy, could have a statue depicting them built in their honor. One inscription from Gytheio dated to 161-169 CE describes the conditions attached to a philanthropic donation; the donor recorded the gift upon three marble stones, which they asked to be publicly displayed in the local market, in the Temple of Caesar, and in the gymnasium. In some circumstances, older statues were reused and the names on older inscriptions were replaced to allow for the monuments to honor new benefactors. Cicero commented upon this whilst serving as governor as Cilicia, declaring that the "false inscriptions" of statues which were truly dedicated to others. Tacitus, a 1st-century CE Roman historian, describes an accusation against the proconsul of Bithynia, Granius Marcellus, which claimed that he substituted the head of a statue of Augustus with a bust of Tiberius. The good reputation the wealthy would gather through these efforts allowed for them to gain favors from other wealthy Romans. In Pro Plancius, a legal defense of Gnaeus Plancius in 54 BCE, Cicero asks "who ever can have, or who ever had such resources in himself as to be able to stand without many acts of kindness on the part of many friends?" This statement implies that the gift-giving and the repayment of gifts were of significant economic benefit to the wealthy. Political ambitions also motivated philanthropy: patricians offered plebeians services such as legal defenses, donations of food or money known as sportula, supplies of material goods, or invitations to feasts in exchange for support during elections.

Cicero critiqued the selfish motivations behind many charitable acts in ancient Rome; he instead promoted acts of genuine generosity: "there is nothing so characteristic of narrowness and littleness of soul as the love of riches; and there is nothing more honorable and noble than to be indifferent to money, if one does not possess it, and to devote it to beneficence and liberality, if one does possess it." Cicero utilized the Roman concept of humanitas in his writings, which had, by the 1st-century CE, acquired an new meaning referring to a level of concern for the welfare of others. Ideas of sacredness of humanity found their way into stoic schools of thought; the 1st-century CE Stoic philosopher Seneca exclaimed that "man is a sacred thing to man," Seneca believed that the "wise man" will "stretch out his hand to the shipwrecked mariner, will offer hospitality to the exile, and alms to the needy—not in the offensive way in which most of those who wish to be thought tender-hearted fling their bounty to those whom they assist and shrink from their touch, but as one man would give another something out of the common stock" Seneca condemned unrestricted generosity stemming from pity, calling pity "a disease of the mind" although "many praise it as a virtue, and say that a good man is full of pity." These views of Seneca likely reflect the ideas of Graeco-Roman philosophy; Aristotle believed that pity partially stemmed from fear that similar misfortunes might befall oneself. Seneca may have felt that pity, since it stemmed from fear, upstaged the stoic ideal autarcheia, or being untroubled by emotion. His condemnation of the emotion of pity does not necessarily indicate he rejected all charitable acts. Seneca described instances of individuals feeling obligated to aid a poor person due to pity. He describes an instance of a mother being compelled to aid a beggar due to the presence of an exposed child. According to Seneca, the woman imagined her own son in the position of the child. Similarly, John Chrysostom alleged some to have blinded their own children, chewed old shoes, attached sharp nails to their heads, dwelled in frozen pools with bare stomachs, and "different things yet more horrid than these" to make them more sympathetic. The 1st-century BCE Roman poet Horace describes a beggar who attempts to attract attention by pretending to have a broken leg.

However, the kindness of these philosophers did not necessarily extend to all the impoverished of ancient Rome; instead, they believed that all of the beneficiaries of this aid should be respectable members of the population with good moral character who would use the aid to try and escape poverty. Seneca advises wealthy persons to limit their charity to "good men or to those whom it may make into good men." Plutarch believed that charity could prolong the suffering of the poor by encouraging laziness, describing a Spartan telling a beggar "But if I gave to you, you would proceed to beg all the more; it was the man who gave to you in the first place who made you idle and so is responsible for your disgraceful state." Plautus expressed the same point more succinctly: "A man who gives a beggar something to eat or drink does him bad service: what he gives him gets wasted and he prolongs his life in misery." Legislation from the Codex Theodosianus dated to June 20, 382, ordered an examination of the beggars throughout Rome. They decreed that enslaved beggars of no disability were to be granted to those who informed upon them; freeborn beggars of no disability were made permanent coloni, or tenant farmers, of those who informed upon them. Upper-class Romans were far more likely to help other members of the upper-class than they were to help poorer civilians. Juvenal, a 2nd-century CE Roman poet, describes how mobs of poor individuals harassed the carriages of the rich if they slowed down at Via Appia in Ariccia. Wealthier citizens may have been motivated to aid this people due the fear of being physically assaulted or publicly shamed. Certain groups did argue in favor of financial aid for the poor Such as the Cynics, Stoics, and Christians.

Causes

The poor in Roman society had little or no access to land or property. Those who owned land were capable of using that land to generate more wealth or cultivate resources. Land was also the most common item used as security in loans. Poorer civilians were often relegated to working alongside slaves, although this provided an irregular source of income. Debt was another major factor that contributed to ancient Roman poverty. Loans usually had high interest rates and were required to be paid back under threat of harsh penalties. The Roman government imposed high rates of taxation on the poorer parts of the Roman population, while the wealthy paid little in taxes. Poor Romans also faced difficulties finding jobs with adequate pay. It was extremely improbable for a worker to find enough work to properly support a family of three.

Living Conditions

Ancient Roman insula from Ara Coeli

Poor Romans often sold themselves or their child into slavery. It was difficult for the poor to find jobs due to slavery. People would purchase slaves rather than pay workers. The disabled population of Rome had to rely on the goodwill of other people to survive. According to Ammianus Marcellinus, a Roman historian, the Roman poor lived in tabernae, or the awnings of theaters. They also lived in low-quality apartment buildings called insulae. Insulae were often constructed using low-quality materials, creating structurally instable buildings vulnerable to fire or collapse; they were plagued with thin walls unable to support their height. Poor sanitation was commonplace throughout Roman insulae; they were poorly ventilated, contained cesspits of human waste, and had cramped, dark, and damp rooms. These factors all made insulae hotbeds for disease, cross-species transmission, and the growth of parasitic microorganisms. The poorest parts of the Roman population were unable to afford most forms of social interaction and demonstrations of status, such as baths, dinners, or collegia. They were further excluded from lavish burial and cremation rites as they were unable to afford the expenses. The poorest people were inhumed in mass graves called puticuli. The rest of the poor were buried in modest, small graves or were cremated with their remains stored in amphorae.

Archaeological evidence suggests that the poor in ancient Rome primarily consumed coarse and abrasive food such as processed, salt-cured fish; millet, wheat, barley, rye, and emmer. Galen claimed the rural impoverished townsfolk consumed flat-cakes as part of their diets; he further states that, during times of extreme hunger, famished people make bread of oats. The limited diets of the poor may have led them to develop nutritional deficiencies, such as inadequate levels of Vitamin C or iron in the body. Geography influenced the availability of certain types of food to different parts of the Roman population, thus affecting their diets and overall health. Skeletons in Herculaneum were found to be unusually tall for ancient Romans, possibly due to an easier access to protein through fish because of the coastal location of the city. Although it has been generally assumed that meat was largely unavailable to the Roman poor, archaeological evidence compiled by Dr. Kim Bowes suggests that Roman peasants had meat-intensive diets and a close relationship with working animals.

The majority of Romans likely owned few pieces of clothing, especially those too poor to afford a loom and thus incapable of creating their own clothing. Poorer Romans would likely have made extensive use of secondhand clothing and recycling pieces of preexisting clothes. Cato, a 3rd-century BCE Roman politician, advises readers to reuse old tunics and make a "patchwork of it" when new clothes are needed. They may also have turned to thievery for clothing supplies; ancient sources described pawnshops trading stolen clothes and legal documents as well as curse tablets mention examples of clothing theft.

Poor Romans were especially vulnerable during crises, being vulnerable to food shortages or being the victims of crime. According to the 2nd-3rd century Roman historian Herodian, during a time of plague in the city of Rome in which many common people suffered greatly, the Emperor Commodus left Rome for Laurentum. Bioarcheologists Dr. Rebecca Gowland and Dr. Rebecca Redfern found that poorer children in ancient Rome grew shorter than the children of wealthier families. Furthermore, the skeletal remains of likely poorer people display evidence of prolonged stress from physical labor. During difficult times, the Roman poor may have been compelled to offer themselves into contracts a tenant farmers called coloni.

Christianity

Christians in ancient Rome sought to highlight the poorer members of Roman society and to bring attention to their struggles. Augustine of Hippo, a 4th-century Christian theologian, highlights the neediness of the poor when describing them, referring to the poor as egentes or indigentes, both of which mean "needy." Augustine promotes the provision of alms to the needy; he emphasizes the want and desire of the impoverished, advising his followers to "let the needy person rejoice in your gift, so that you may rejoice in God’s gift." Augustine portrays his own followers as needy of God, stating "Supply, then, what the needy person lacks, so that God may fill your inner being." Throughout Christian literature from antiquity, it was considered pious to adopt voluntary poverty to alleviate the burden of the involuntarily poor. John Chrysostom argued that if the wealthy were to redistribute their wealth and fortune amongst the populace "you would have difficulty in finding one poor person for every fifty or even every hundred of the others. St Jerome, a 4th and 5th century priest, advised the wealthy Roman woman Eustochium to relinquish their property and wealth: "You must also avoid the sin of covetousness, and this not merely by refusing to seize upon what belongs to others, for that is punished by the laws of the state, but also by not keeping your own property, which has now become no longer yours." Clement I, the Catholic pope from 88 to 99 CE, states that "Many have delivered themselves to slavery, and provided food for others with the price they received for themselves." Pelagius, a 4th-century theologian, argues that the poor can resist the temptation to sin easier than the rich can: "it is easier for the poor man to divest himself of such feelings than it is for the rich man, since poverty not only does not provide the raw materials for sin but in most cases renders it impossible." However, the 2nd-century theologian Origen warns that the impious poor may still face divine punishment, asking "how many, because they bore poverty ignobly, with behavior more servile and base than was seemly in Saints, have fallen away from their heavenly hope?" The epistulae of Paulinus, a 4th-century Christian Bishop describe a possibly fictitious Christians organizing mass events designed to provide alms and gifts for the poor. Peter Brown, an Irish historian, theorized that Christian descriptions of the poor were often exaggerated to justify their leadership.

Not all Christians unanimously agreed that wealthy was to be entirely avoided. Clement of Alexandria, a 3rd century Christian theologian, argued that wealth was morally neutral; instead, he proposed that virtue was determined by how an individual utilized their riches. He argues that rich men are equally capable of salvation as poor men as their salvation is determined by their piety and virtue, characteristics which Clement believed exist independently of wealth. Clement opted for a nonliteral interpretation of a scene from the Gospel of Mark in which Jesus advises a rich man to sell his possessions and provide for the poor, proposing that men need not surrender their wealth entirely but must instead act philanthropically. Ambrosiaster, an unidentified author of a 4th-century commentary on St Jerome, weighed the virtues and vices of the rich and poor alike; he analyzed the respective spiritual merit of each social strata. Ambrosiaster argued that nobility in poverty was more admirable the nobility in wealth, stating "there is much more merit in practicing justice in poverty." He stated that lust is more loathsome in the wealthy than the poor, as the rich can act with less fear of punishment. Although, Ambrosiaster claimed that poor individuals their limited resources may hinder their ability to satisfy their desires, possibly motivating them to commit crimes to satiate their lust. However, he also argued that in some circumstances, wealth was preferable to poverty for leading a pious lifestyle: "Pride is always a vice, but it is much more reprehensible in the poor than in the rich, because abundance enfolds the heart of the rich, while the poor is superb even in poverty, which is almost an act of madness; so the poor man is more guilty." Ambrosiaster further believed that poverty was not mandatory for a pious Christian lifestyle, claiming that both lifestyles "are therefore just." Proba, a 4th-century Christian poet and Roman aristocrat, argued for acts of charity amongst close family members and made little mention of the poor. Whilst describing a story of Jesus counseling a rich young man, she neglects to mention his command to the rich man to sell his possessions and provide for the impoverished.

References

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