User talk:Huder34

RE: Erasure

Yes. Mind if I ask why you're curious? Cheers, Master of Puppets ^{Care to share?} 20:00, 10 December 2007 (UTC)[reply]

It depends on what the content of the page you created was about. What was the name of the page? Master of Puppets ^{Care to share?} 17:40, 13 December 2007 (UTC)[reply]

about the antichrist and another about godHuder34 (talk) 19:45, 13 December 2007 (UTC)[reply]

   OK NOW HEAR ME OUT, BEFORE YOU READ THIS I JUST WANT YOU TO KNOW THAT IN MY LIFE I HAVE SECERTS, SECERTS THAT MOST EVERY ONE ALREADY KNOWS BECAUSE SOMEONE HAS TO GO AROUND AND TELL EVERY ONE… IT ALL STARTED BACK WHEN I WAS JUST A LITTLE OVER 6 YEARS OLD AND DIDN’T KNOW ANY THING ABOUT KISSING AND MOST OF THE TIME, WELL, I WAS JUST COURIOUS ABOUT OTHER STUFF IN THE WORLD JUST LIKE ANY OTHER KID. OK, SO I HAD THIS HUGE CRUSH ON THIS GIRL AND HER NAME WAS KIRSTEN, I THINK, AND, WELL, SHE WAS THE VERY FIRST GIRL THAT I EVERY KISSED AND, WELL, I THOUGHT THAT I WOULD HAVE’VE EVER KISSED HER BUT I GUESS I WAS WRONG. NOW KIRSTEN AND ME WERE FRIENDS, I THINK SHE WAS MY FIRST FRIEND THAT WAS A GIRL, ANY WAYS, SO YOU KNOW HOW WHEN YOU WERE A LITTLE KID AND IF IT WAS RAINING OUTSIDE THEN YOU COULDN’T GO OUTSIDE FOR RECESS WELL, THAT HAPPEN A LOT IN MY SECOND GRADE YEAR. THE ONLY THING THAT I LIKED ABOUT WAS THAT WE COULD WATCH OLD CARTOONS INSIDE THE ROOM RIGHT NEXT TO MY CLASS ROOM. NOW I HAVE TO TELL YOU MOST OF THE PEOPLE WHO HAD A LIFE BACK THEN DIDN’T WANT RECESS TO END SO THEY BOOED AND WINED WHEN THE TEACHER TURNED OFF THE T.V. SO I THOUGHT I COULD SO OFF MY SWEET SKILLS AND TRY TO SHE IF I COULD BOO LOUDER THAN KIRSTEN AND WELLL SHE BOOED FIRST THEN ME AND I DIDN’T NOTICE BUT OUR LIPS WERE ACTUALLY GETTING CLOSER AND THEN WELL WE KISSED AND THEN I GUESS WHEN YOU DON’T REALLY KNOW WHAT HAPPENS YOU JUST STAY STILL FOR ALWILE AND THEN YOU AND THEN WE LOOKED AT EACH OTHER AND I WAS THINKING, “WOW, THAT WAS MY FIRST KISS AND WELL I DON’T KNOW IF SHE ACTUALLY LIKED IT”, AND I FOUND OUT SHE WIPED HER LIPS AND WAS LOOKING AT ME FUNNY AND THEN I SAID I WAS SORRY AND SHE NEVER TALKED TO ME FOR 2 WHOLE WEEKS. THEN THE YEAR ENDED AND WE SAID GOOD BYE I SAID I WAS SORRY FOR WHAT I DID AND ILL NEVER FORGET MY FIRST KISS, SHE LAUGHED AND SAID YOU’LL NEVER KISS A GIRL AGAIN WITH THOOSE LIPS. NOW I CAN TELL YOU ABOUT THE YEARS OF WHAT I LIKE TO CALL THE GOLDEN YEARS OF MY LIFE THAT I MISS THE MOST.
MOST PEOPLE HAVE A HUGE CRUSH ON ONLY ONE PERSON FOR A LONG TIME AND I STILL DO AND I WILL ALWAYS REMEMBER THE YEARS WE SPENT TOGETHER NOT THAT WE EVER WHENT OUT BUT I WHENT TO THE SAME SCHOOL FOR MY 3 GRADE UP TO 6 GRADE. SHE WAS SO BEAUTIFUL HER NAME WAS MADISON. NOW I DON’T WANT TO LIE BUT SHES ONE OF THOOSE GIRLS THAT YOU CANT DATE BECAUSE WELL YOU CANT REALLY BECAUSE YOU FELL TO NERVOUS TO ASK OUT. I DID ASK HER OUT ONCE BUT ONLY ONCE. NOW I KNOW YOU WANT TO HEAR THE COMPLET STORY OF MY LIFE BUT IM GOING TO SKIP 2YEARS SO NOW IM IN 5 GRADE IN WERE A LOT OF THINGS HAPPEN AND IF ONLY YOU COULD KNOW HOW I FELT. SO FIRST DAY OF SCHOOL I JUST WAS LIKE ANY OTHER GUY AND THEN I MET THIS GUY HIS NAME WAS…WAIT, NO IM NOT GAY JUST LISTEN TO THE STORY OK…HIS NAME WAS JASON AND WELL I THOUHT HE WAS ONE OF THE BEST FRIENDS IN THE WORLD. JASON AND ME BECAME SO GOOD OF FRIEND THAT WE WERE CALLED BROTHERS NOW REMEMBER THAT, OK SO HERE I WAS IN MY LATE 5 GRADE YEAR AND I LEAREND HOW TO GET A GIRL FRIEND AND WELL I LIKED AND THERE WAS A GIRL I LIKED AND FLIRTED WITH AND SHE WAS KATIE. SHE WAS MY VERY FIRST GIRL FRIEND. NOW I NOW I SHOULD TELL YOU HOW WE MET BUT I GOT TO TELL YOU THE STORY OF THE ONE AND THE EXTRA IS GONING TO BE IN ANOTHER BOOK. SO I ASKED HER OUT AND SHE SAID YES BUT THE ONLY PART I WASN’T EXCITED ABOUT WAS SHE JUST MOVED WHEN I ASK HER OUT AND THEN I WAS JUST TOLD THAT A FRIEND THAT I LIKED ME AND I DIDN’T KNOW WHAT TO DO AND THEN I WAS BEING VERY STUPID AND WELL ASKED OUT ASHLEY BUDERSON. NOW ASHLEY WAS VERY WEIRD BUT I LIKED HER AND MOST OF THE OTHER KIDS THOUGHT WE WERE GOING TO LAST AND WELL WE SHOULD OF. BUT I WAS SORT OF DATING KATIE AT THE TIME OF THIS PERFECT RELATIONSHIP AND SOME ONE TOLD ASHLEY THAT I DATING KATIE AND SHE GOT MAD AND WE BROKE UP, BUT WE DIDN’T END. I FELT SO BAD THAT I DIDN’T EVEN WANT TO GO ANY WERE, I WAS SO SAD THAT I COULDN’T THINK OF MY HOMEWORK AND I WAS STARTING TO FAIL SOME CLASSES AND…CRAP, SORRY I HAVE TO TELL YOU SOMETHING, BEFORE I STARTED TO DATE, LIKE 2WEEKS BEFORE I ASKED OUT KATIE, MADISON INVITED ME TO HER CHURCH, AND THAT WAS WERE I GOT TO SEE KATIE WHEN WE WERE DATING, THE CHURCH I STILL GO TO, AND WELL I DO LOVE THAT CHURCH AND THAT’S WERE I STILL GET TO SEE JUST A GLIMPSE OF MY LIFE…ANY WAY WERE WAS I, OH YA, WHEN ASHLEY AND ME BROKE UP I FELT BAD, I DIDN’T EVEN WANT TO SEE MY GIRLFRIEND AT CHURCH. SO I GOT SO MAD I JUST BROKE UP WITH KATIE, THINKING BACK ON IT, IT WASN’T A VERY GOOD IDEA BUT THEN AGAIN I DON’T MAKE A LOT OF GOOD CHOICES SO… THERE I WAS WITH OUT A GIRLFRIEND, WITH OUT GOOD GRADES, NO CHURCH, JUST NO ANYTHING I FELT SO ALONE THAT I JUST BARRIED MY HEAD IN MY PILLOW AND TRIED TO SMOTHER MY SELF AND JUST WAS READY TO GIVE UP AND RIGHT WHEN I RAN OUT OF AIR SOMETHING CAME TO ME I SAW MY SELF WITH SOMEONE I CARED SO MUCH ABOUT AND TOOK THE PILLOW AWAY FROM MY MOUTH. THEN I THOUGHT OF HOW TO GET ASHLEY BACK AND THEN I DECIDED TO ASK ASHLEY BACK OUT AND I REALLY DON’T REMEMBER WHAT SHE SAID BUT I DO KNOW THAT I DID GO BACK OUT WITH HER A COUPLE OF TIMES. NOW I FOUND OUT SOMETHING I NEVER KNEW ABOUT JASON CLOSE TO THE END OF MY 6GRADE YEAR, THAT MAN DATED ASHLEY BUDERSON AT THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR AND MAN WAS I SURPISED AT THAT AND I FOUND OUT THAT HE REALLY DID LIKE HER AND THEN I THOUHT THAT I COULD FIX THAT…BAD CHOICE, I SORT OF TOLD ASHLEY THAT IF SHE REALLY DID CARE FOR ME SHE WOULD GO OUT WITH THE THAT CARED MORE ABOUT HER THEN I DID, I WAS SO STUPID YET AGAIN I’VE DONE YET AGAIN AND WELL AFTER A COUPLE OF WEEKS THE
      BEST YEAR OF MY LIFE WAS OVER.

NOW MY 6GRADE YEAR WAS ACTUALLY ONE OF THE CRAZIEST YEAR OF MY LIFE I WELL HAD THE MOST GIRLS IN IT OF THE TIME AND SO MANY PEOPLE ARE IN IT. FOR ONE THING I HAD THIS FRIEND WHOS NAME IS BRAN ALVARADO AND HE WAS A FRIEND NO ONE COULD REPLACE AND WELL I THOUHT HE WAS MADE OUT OF MONEY AND I USED TO MY ADVANTAGE AND ABUSED THAT FRIENDSHIP. NOW I DON’T KNOW HOW MANY TIMES HE GAVE ME MONEY BUT I COULD TELL IF I WOULD HAVE KEPT ALL THE MONEY HE GAVE ME THEN I WOULD BE RICHER THAN BILL GATES, ILL TELL YOU WHAT…NOW MOST PEOPLE WHO DON’T USUALLY JUST GIVE OUT $20 BILLS FOR NO REASON AND DON’T EXPECT YOU TO PAY THEM BACK BUT THIS GUY GAVE ME PESOS AND BILLS AND QUARTERS AND DIMES. HE WAS A GOOD FRIEND. ANOTHER PERSON THAT CAME INTO MY LIFE WAS VERY ATTRACTIVE AND HER NAME WAS SAVANNAH AND SHE WAS…WELL SHE WAS HARD TO NOT LIKE, ILL TELL YOU WHAT. NOW I GOT TO TELL YOU ABOUT JASON, USUALLY HE DOESN’T LIKE GIRLS BUT MAN DID HE HAVE A HUGE CRUSH ON THIS SAVANNAH AND HE WENT CRAZY OVER HER. HE DIDN’T GO CRAZY OVER HER IN FRONT OF HER BUT INSTEAD TO HIS BEST FRIEND…ME. NOW IT DID GET SORT OF ANNOYING SOMETIMES, HE WOULD JUST…OH…HAHA, OK SO THIS ONE TIME AT THE CARNIVAL, AT MY HOME TOWN, HE… NO, I TOLD HIM THAT SAVANNAH LIKE THE COLOR BLUE, AND THAT SHE LIKED MONKEYS, AND I JUST SO HAPPEN THAT WE WERE AT A CARNVAL WITH MONKEYS AND IDEMS WITH THE COLOR BLUE. AH, DO YOU SEE WERE IM GOING? HE ASKED ME HOW MUCH MONEY I HAD AND WELL BRAN JUST GAVE $20 THE OTHER DAY AND WELL I SPENT $15 AT THE KWIK SHOP SO I HAD $5 LEFT OVER, SORRY FOR MAKING YOU DO THE MATH :(. OK SO WE SPENT HAFE THE NIGHT LOOKING FOR THE STUPID MONKEY AND YOU KNOW WHAT WE ACTUALLY FOUND IT. BUT WE WERE RUNNING LOW AND TICKETS AND HAD A LITTLE BIT OF TIME LEFT. SO WE SPENT ALL OF THE REST OF THE MONEY DO TRY TO GET THAT STUPID BLUE MONKEY AND WELL WE DIDN’T WIN IT SO HE WAS MAD FOR THE REST OF THE NIGHT, BUT HEY HE WAS OK BUT I WAS HAPPY, ILL TELL YOU WHAT, NOW MOST PEOPLE WHEN THEY SEE THEIR BEST FRIEND DOWN THEY TRY TO CHEER THEM UP BUT I WAS TO HAPPY TO CHEER HIM UP, WHAT AND IDIOT. HE AS MAD AT ME FOR DAYS, ILL TELL YOU WHAT. NOW IM GOING TO TELL YOU ABOUT SOMEONE ELSE, MARISSA, SHE JUST SO HAPPEN TO BE KATIE’S COUSIN BY THE WAY, AND SHE WAS THE HOE OF THE CENTRY, ILL TELL YOU WHAT. SHE WAS SOME WHAT GOOD LOOKING THOUGH, SHE STUFFED AND MAN YOU COULD TELL, ILL TELL YOU WHAT. NOW HERES HER STORY…SHE HAD A BUNCH OF FRIENDS WHEN SHE FIRST CAME TO THE 6GRADE AND WELL SHE LIKED TO PLAY GUYS. SHE USED THEM TO GET TO OTHER GUYS, NOT COOL RIGHT, WRONG SO MANY GUYS THOUGHT THAT WAS HOT SO THEY DATED HER SO THEY COULD GET SOME IF YOU KNOW WHAT I MEAN. SO I TRIED TO AVOID HER AND WELL THERE’S NOT MUCH MORE TO TELL ABOUT HER. NOW HERE’S THE MOST ABUSIVE GIRL FRIEND THAT I EVER HAD. HER NAME WAS ASHLEY H. I'M CALLING HER ASHLEY H. BECAUSE I DON’T KNOW HOW TO SPELL HER FIRST NAME. ANYWAYS, I WAS IN SATURDAY CHOIR AND THAT’S WERE WE SAW EACH OTHER BESIDES SCHOOL. WELL I HAVE TO TELL YOU I DIDN’T REALLY LIKE HER THAT MUCH, ILL TELL YOU WHAT. SHE WASN’T VERY ATTARCTIVE OR SMART MUCH. MOST PEOPLE ASKED ME WHY I WAS DATING HER IF I DIDN’T LIKE HER AND I TOLD THEM I REALLY DIDN’T KNOW WHY I WAS. THE TRUTH WAS THAT ASHLEY BUDERSON ASKED ME IF I WANTED A GIRLFRIEND AND WELL I THOUGHT SHE WAS ASKING ME OUT. SO I, STILL HAVING FEELINGS FOR HER, SAID I WANTED THIS TO HAPPEN FOR A LONG. THEN SHE CAME UP WITH ASHLEY H. AND I WAS SO CONFUSED. SO BUNDERSON ASKED ME IF I WANTED TO GO OUT WITH H. AND WELL I DIDN’T WANT TO BE MEAN SO I LIED AND SAID THAT I LIKED HER FOR A COULPLE OF YEARS BUT JUST DIDN’T WANT TO ASK HER OUT BECAUSE I WAS TOO SCARED. NOW I DON’T KNOW WHAT WAS THE WORST PART ABOUT MY CHOICE BUT ALL I KNOW WAS THAT I HAD NO FEELINGS FOR H. BUT MOST OF THE IT WAS O.K. I GUESS. BUT SHE GOT ON MY LAST NERVE AND I JUST BROKE UP WITH HER, NOW TODAY SHE IS STILL THE WORST GIRLFRIEND I EVER HAD. NOW I WANT TO TALK ABOUT THE LAST PERSON I DATED IN 6TH GRADE. THIS WAS AFTER SAVANNAH AND BEFORE H. SHE WAS, WELL, BIO. HER NAME IS WHAT I LIKE TO CALL TALL TAN AND SKINNY. HER NAME WAS BRITTNEY. SHE WAS THE ONLY GIRL I CHEATING ON FOR CHEATING ON ME, BUT I CHEATED ON HER FOR ANOTHER GIRL THAT JUST SO HAPPEN TO BE… WAIT NO, I HAVE TO DO A BACKGROUND CHECK. SHE WAS A PART OF A GROUP OF WHAT I LIKE TO CALL THE ITS. NOW I DON’T MEAN SHE WAS UGLY BUT MAN WAS SHE WEIRD, SHE WAS ALWAYS AROUND HER FRIENDS AND WE PLAYED TAG AND CASE A LOT THAT YEAR AND YOU NOW WHO HER SIDEKICK WAS, MARISSA GODBERSON(KATIE’S COUSIN). SO I ASKED HER OUT ONE DAY WHEN I WAS JUST CASING HER AROUND THE PLAY GROUND AND WELL I GUESS IT WAS SOMETHING THAT GOT BECAUSE WELL I JUST TOLD THAT I THOUGHT THAT SHE WAS HOT AND SHE SAID I WAS THE BEST GUYS THAT SHE EVER CHASED AROUND THE PLAYGROUND. NOW SHE WAS THE FIRST AND ONLY GIRL THAT I HAD TO SIGN A CONTRACT OVER. WELL THAT DIDN’T GO AS WELL AS I THOUGHT AND WELL I WASN’T VERY HAPPY, ILL TELL YOU WHAT. SHE AND I DIDN’T REALLY LAST THAT MUCH I WAS KIND OF MAD ABOUT THE CONTRACT BECAUSE I DIDN’T LIKE THOSE RULES. AND THAT’S ALL OF THE 6TH GRADE YEAR. NOW IM GOING TO TELL YOU THE SUMMER OF THE 6THGRADE YEAR. IT HAS EVERYTHING THAT IS MESSED UP IN THE WORLD. IT ALL STARTED WITH SUMMER SCHOOL AND WELL IT WASN’T THE BEST SUMMER I HAD, ILL TELL YOU THAT MUCH FOR SURE. OK SO I WAS DATING BRITTENY AT THE TIME AND WELL I WAS KIND OF GETTING BORIED OF HER AND DIDN’T HAVE ANYTHING TO DO AND SO I ASK GIRL FOR SOME HELP? WAIT, WHO’S WRITING THIS BULLSH!%, I DIDN’T ASK A GIRL FOR HELP A DUMB SH!% DID AND IT WAS HORRIBLE ADVISE AND I WAS REALLY DUMB AT THE TIME. NOW ANYWAYS SORRY FOR THE OUTBURST, I GUESS I DIDN’T ASK ANY ONE FOR HELP AND WELL I SHOULD HAVE BECAUSE WELL MARISSA HAD TOLD ME TO DUMP BRITTENY AND DATE HER AND WELL I SORT OF SAID WHAT THE HECK. BUT I HAD A SECRET AND WASN’T GOING TO DUMP BRITTENY I WAS GONING TO CHEAT. NOW I KNOW DIDN’T WE ALREADY GO THROUGH THIS MISTAKE AND WELL I GUESS NOT. NOW IM THE EASY TYPE I DON’T PLAY IT HARD TO GET I JUST LIKE TO BE ONE WHO IS THE GUY WITH ALL THE ANSWERS BUT IN SOME CASES ITS BETTER NOT TO KNOW EVERYTHING. I’M TELL YOU THIS BECAUSE I LEARNED SOMETHING I SHOULD HAVE NEVER LEARNED WELL IMBRASE YOU SELF. BRITTNEY WAS DATING SOMEONE ELSE, AH YES I SEE WHAT YOUR THINKING THAT B!%C#. NOW CALM YOUR SELF WHEN I LEARNED I WAS VERY MAD, NOT THAT SHE WAS CHEATING, REMEMBER IM CHEATING TOO, BUT NO, I WAS MAD BECAUSE OF THE PERSON SHE WAS DATING, MIRISSA, YA SHES BIO ALRIGHT. BUT THAT MAD ME FELL KIND OF BEING USED. THE STORY BEHIND THESE TWO BIO GIRLS IS THAT THEY WILL ALWAYS STEAL THE OTHERS BOYFRIEND ONLY I BROKE THE CHAIN BECAUSE I FOUND OUT. SO ME ALMOST GOING THROUGH PUBERTY, TOOK THIS AS A CHANCE TO BECOME FAMOUS IN THE MIDDLE SCHOOL FOR NEXT YEAR, SO I PLAYED AROUND FOR ABOUT 2 WEEKS TILL IT GOT BORING AND TOLD THEM BOTH, OR THEY ACUALLY FOUND OUT WHEN WE WENT ON A DATE(THEY USED TO NEVER GO ANYWHERE WITH OUT EACH OTHER). THEY TOLD ME TO CHOOSE AND I CHOSE NETHER. AND WELL I STILL DATE THEM FROM TIME TO TIME JUST TO, WELL GET A GIRLFRIEND WHEN I DON’T HAVE ONE. THAT’S MEAN I NOW BUT DEEP DOWN I STILL DO LIKE THEM JUST NOT THAT MUCH TO GET SERIOUS. NOW THE BEST YEARS ARE OVER AND WELL HERE COMES THE SHORT YEARS BUT THE TRULY BEST YEARS NOT MUCH TO SAY ABOUT THE FIRST YEAR IN MIDDLE SCHOOL BECAUSE WELL I HAVE TO RIGHT ANOTHER STORY TO MAKE IT SO YOU UNDERSTAND IT. NOW I HAD THE FUN THAT MOST PEOPLE HAVE AFTER THE TIME OF THERE LIFE BECAUSE I WENT TO THE Y BEFORE SCHOOL STARTED AND WELL I GUESS YOU COULD SAY I DATED EVER WEEK FOR 6 WEEK TOTAL NOW THAT’S NOT A LOT I KNOW BUT MAN WAS IT FUN. OK SO HERE I WAS ON FIRE BUT I WAS ABOUT TO BE EXTINGUISHED. WELL I CANT REALLY TELL YOU BECAUSE IT WONT MAKE SENSE. BUT IL TRY, SO I HAD A FRIEND BACK IN THE GOLDEN YEAR, HE WAS IN THE SAME GRADE BUT HE WAS REALLY TALL, THERE WAS OTHERS THAT WERE APART OF THIS GROUP BUT WE WERE CALLED THE REBELS OFF OF STAR WARS. BUT WE DID ALL OF THESE TRICKS OFF OF THE PLAYGROUD AND WELL WE GOT OUR SCARS, ANYWAYS, WE MADE A PROMISE TO BE FRIENDS ALL DURING MIDDLE SCHOOL AND WELL IT DID WORK OUT UNTIL I MADE YET ANOTHER MISTAKE, IT SEEMS TO BE A PATTERN, WELL WE WERENT FRIENDS BUT HE STILL GOTS MY BACK, ANY WAYS I LIKED THIS GIRL AND HE LIKE THE SAME GIRL AND WE MADE A BET TO SEE WHO WOULD DATE HER FIRST WELL I ASK HER OUT FIRST AND SHE LAUGHED AND SAID NO BUT HE ASKED HER AND SHE SAID YA LIKE IT WAS THE EASIEST THING IN THE WORLD. AND THAT DIDN’T MAKE ME FEEL BETTER AND I FELT SO BAD THAT I JUST DIDN’T SPEAK TO HIM FOR THE REST OF THE YEAR BUT I STILL HAD HAFE OF THE REBELS ON MY SIDE BUT HE FOUND OTHER FRIENDS. OH, IM SORRY I GOT TO MIXED UP THAT’S PART OF MY NEXT STORY . OK SO WHERE WAS I OH YA MIDDLE SCHOOL. OK SO I THOUGHT I WAS ON FIRE AND WELL I DIDN’T THINK OF A WAY TO GET GIRLS PHONE NUMBER. I JUST SAID THAT MY SISTER NEED TO GET THERE NUMBER SO SHE COULD CALL THEM. I GOT A LOT OUT OF THAT LITTLE TRICK UNTIL MY SISTER HAD TOLD THEM WHAT I WAS DONING. OK SO THE FIRST GIRL THAT I ASKED TO GET A NUMBER WAS A GIRL NAMED AMBER AND SHE ALL WAYS THOUGHT PEOPLE WERE CALLING HER FAT BUT SHE WAS NO WERE NEAR FAT BUT SHE WAS HOT I CAN TELL YOU THAT MUCH FOR SURE. BUT I GOT TO BE HONSEST I WHEN TO FAST AND SAID I LOVED HER THE FIRST DAY I DATED HER, OK SO I GUESS THAT WAS ANOTHER MISTAKE. BUT SHE WAS THE ONLY NEW GIRL I DATED THAT YEAR AND WELL THAT’S ALL OF THAT YEAR. NOW THE SUMMER OF THAT YEAR WAS ONE OF THE BEST SUMMERS I EVER HAD AND WELL IT WAS KIND OF ENJOING TO HAVE NOW. MOST OF THE TIME I JUST DIDN’T LIKE TO MEET NEW PEOPLE BUT IT WAS KIND FO FUN TO BE IN A KIND OF PLACE THAT PEOPLE COULD WELL JUST HANG OUT I GUESS. MOST OF THE OTHER KIDS THERE WERE OLDER THAN ME BUT I STILL THOUGHT THAT MOST OF THEM WERE HOT AND WELL I GUESS ONE OF THEM I COULDN’T HAVE BECAUSE I DATED EVERONE ELSE. YA, NO ACTUALY I DIDN’T I WISH I DID THOUGH. OK I ONLY DATED ONE OF THEM AND SHE WAS PREATY HOT AND WELL SORT OF LIKED HER BUT MOST OF THE OTHER ONES DIDN’T. WELL WE ACTUALY NEVER REALY DATED AND I DON’T EVEN THINK THAT I SAW HER MORE THAN ONCE. ANYWAYS THAT’S ALL I GOT TO TALK ABOUT. SO I GUESS I JUST HAD ENOUGH OF THE YEAR TO COME AND WELL I GUESS THAT IT WASN’T REALY WORTH IT YOU NO AND WELLL I JUST THOUGHT THAT IT COULD HAVE BEEN THE BEST YEAR OF MY LIFE AND WELL I GUESS IT WAS. IT TURNED OUT TOO BE ALRIGHT AND WELL JUST DATED ONLY JUST A LITTLE. OK SO NOT A LITTLE AND WELL JUST THOUGHT AND WELL I CAN OF THOUGHT OF SOMETHING BETTER AND WELL I JUST THOUGHT OF SOMETHING AND GUESS IT WORK OUT FOR THE BEST AND WELL I THOUHGT THE YEAR WOULD TAKE SO LONG TO GOT THROUGHT AND I GUESS I WAS WRONG. NOW IM GOING TO TELL YOU ABOUT SOMETHING ELSE AND WELL IT DOESN’T REALLY MATTER WHAT IS THE ANSWER BUT JUST AS LONG AS YOU JUST DO IT RIGHT. I LEARNED SOMTING AND WELL I WISH I COULD TELL YOU BUT I GUESS I CANT BECAUSE IF I TELL YOU, WELL YOU WOULD NOW AND THAT’S NOT GOOD, NOW AS I WAS SAYING AND WELL I JUST THOUGHT I COULD I DO THINGS AND I COULDN’T. I THOUGHT THAT I COULD READ PEOPLE AND I COULDN’T I TRIED AND FAILED. AND I JUST THOUGHT TO MY SELF AND WONDER IF I COULD, I TRIED FOR YEARS TO SEE IF I COULD READ PEOPLE AND WELL YOU KNOW PEOPLE CANT READ PEOPLE. ANYWAYS. SO HERE I WAS JUST LIKE ANY OTHER PERSON AND WELL THE LAST YEAR OF MIDDLE SCHOOL WAS COMING FAST AND I DIDN’T KNOW HOW TO HANDLE IT BUT I HAVE GOT TO TELL YOU IT WAS ONE OF MY BEST YEARS OF ALL TIME AND I JUST DIDN’T KNOW HOW TO OR WHAT TO DO. MOST PEOPLE JUST DATE FOR A PERIOD OF TIME BUT I LIKE TO SAY I DATED WEEKLY. I DATED A TOTAL OF ? PEOPLE MY 8TH GRADE YEAR NOW THAT’S NOT A LOT BUT I HAD FUN WITH IT THOUGH. EVERY GIRL I DATED I FELT SOMETHING FOR. MOST OF THE TIEM I JUST LIKED THEM BECAUSE I THOUGHT THEY WERE HOT BUT I GUESS THAT WAS WRONG TO DO. THERE NAMES WERE JENNY, AMANDA, KYLIE, JOSELIEN, KRYSTAL, CHRISTNA, NICOLE, ABBY,

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PeaceWatch #477: Special Forum Report

Between Amman and Jerusalem: Reflections on Making Peace . . . And Making Peace Work

Featuring Fayiz Tarawneh and Efraim Halevy October 29, 2004

In commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the Jordan-Israel peace treaty on October 26, 2004, Fayiz Tarawneh and Efraim Halevy recently addressed The Washington Institute's Special Policy Forum. H. E. Tarawneh, a senator in the Jordanian legislature, formerly served as prime minister and head of the Jordanian delegation in peace talks with Israel. H. E. Halevy served as Israel's national security advisor, ambassador to the European Union, and personal emissary of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin to King Hussein. The following is a rapporteur's summary of their remarks. FAYIZ TARAWNEH

Jordan's ultimate strategic objective is peace in the Middle East. While the Jordan-Israel treaty remains seminal in importance for the Middle East and beyond, the continued bloodshed in the region sobers the anniversary celebration.

The Jordan-Israel treaty reflected the courage and vision of King Hussein and Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin. Reaching agreement on this treaty was not always an easy process. The initial talks between the two countries in September 1993 resulted in a stalemate. The second round of talks in April 1994 was more successful, but when the United States was invited to serve as a guarantor, Washington balked at the idea of a Jordan-Israel treaty. Nevertheless, throughout the negotiations, Hussein and Rabin both demonstrated farsighted leadership and deep convictions about the absolute necessity of peace. They understood that they had to view each other as partners, not adversaries, and deal with each other directly. There is a place for third-party mediation and negotiation, but only when all other options have been exhausted and talks are at a standstill. The Jordan-Israel treaty and the Oslo negotiations are good examples of the efficacy of direct communication in peace talks.

Indeed, a key to any successful peace negotiation is the involvement of the people affected. Unless all of the relevant players are involved in the discussion from the outset, negotiation efforts are certain to fail. After the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, a pathway to Middle East peace was opened with the convening of the Madrid conference. Yet, the Oslo agreement emerged as a bilateral arrangement with the Palestinians. The lack of a comprehensive framework was a fundamental barrier to reaching a wider peace in the region. Consequently, Jordan and Israel had to proceed on their own.

In the current climate of extremist factions and action-reaction violence, peace cannot flourish. Today the Middle East is riddled with intolerance, but peace is still possible in the future if leaders are as tenacious in its pursuit as were Rabin and Hussein. Arab nations have a long way to go before they will be ready for multilateral peace discussions. Collective recognition of Israel continues to be a problem among Arab states outside of Jordan. Fundamentalists aside, there is some sympathy for Israel in the region, especially as a victim of suicide bombings. Unless Israel withdraws from the occupied territories, however, this sympathy will not produce any tangible changes. And for all too many people�including numerous Palestinian and Israeli leaders�violent acts are seen as the only way to respond to violence.

EFRAIM HALEVY

There are two fundamental challenges facing all Middle East peace negotiations. First, the people of the region must be involved; otherwise, any treaty is merely a formality. King Hussein was stalwart in his belief in the necessity of popular support for the peace process.

Second, negotiations must begin with direct communication between the parties involved. Such a process is likely to be protracted and fraught with problems. For example, Prime Minister Rabin and King Hussein could not agree on a draft treaty when they first met in 1993. Neither party abandoned the idea of a workable treaty, however, and when they met again in 1994, they reached the agreement that would become the Washington Declaration�the basis for the eventual peace treaty. It is striking that most of the successful Middle East negotiations to date�e.g., the Israel-Egypt peace treaty that began with direct contacts in Morocco, the Declaration of Principles between Israel and the Palestinians in Oslo, and the Jordan-Israel peace treaty�were initially conceived in direct talks, without mediation by outside parties. Indeed, the historical and current context cannot be ignored, especially when dealing with the Middle East. A guarantor should not be brought in until the final implementation stages of a treaty. Instead, the interested parties should aim to hold discussions among themselves rather than designating the United States as the initial peace broker. As many of the affected parties as possible should participate in the planning and negotiation stages.

Although there have been definite improvements in the Israel-Jordan relationship since the signing of the treaty, expectations for close relations have gone largely unmet. Israel had hoped that the treaty would be the start of innumerable joint ventures such as massive development projects, but this has not been the case. One reason is that Jordanian attitudes have not always been conducive to positive interaction with Israel in recent years. The Palestinian Leadership bears even more responsibility for the untapped potential of the Israel-Jordan relationship, Yasser Arafat in particular. His policies and influence have most notably affected trade between the two countries, and he is, overall, the most irritating and disruptive element in the region.

Ideally, peace treaties can become a pattern in the Middle East. After one peace deal has been established in a region as volatile as the Middle East, the question becomes how to continue the pattern. Many hoped that the Israel-Jordan treaty would extend beyond the bilateral relationship. Although it did in fact allow both countries to develop their strategic interests, the treaty did not serve as a springboard for other peace dialogues in the region. Jordan could have been the template for peace between Israel and Syria, which could in turn have set a pattern that other Arab leaders would have followed. Indeed, Prime Minister Rabin believed that if peace could be established with Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, a more solid foundation would be laid for a resolution with the Palestinians. Negotiation is a delicate matter, however, and the current Palestinian leadership is not supportive of a positive Jordan-Israel relationship or any treaty involving Israel.

In light of these factors, the Quartet Roadmap would benefit from a broader approach wherein all of the region's major issues and conflicts are viewed together. Similarly, Arab leaders missed an important opportunity to further the peace dialogue when they rebutted Sharon's offer to attend the 2002 Arab Summit in Beirut. Had that situation worked out differently, it could have jumpstarted peace talks in the region.

This Special Policy Forum Report was prepared by Deanna Befus.English Nederlands Italiano Español The Prophesied End-Time Revealed Home Download Free Book Order Free Book 2008 - God's Final

   Witness

The Prophesied

   End-Time

Author Interviews About the Author Church of God - PKG Ronald Weinland - Personal Site Contact 2008 - God's Final Witness

From now until the latter part of 2008, many prophecies are going to begin to be fulfilled, especially the Seven Thunders of the Book of Revelation, which the apostle John saw but was restricted from recording. Those thunders are revealed in this book, as well as detailed accounts of the final three and one-half years of man's self-rule on earth, which are recorded in the account of the Seventh Seal of Revelation.

Some of these prophecies concern the demise of the United States over the next year, which will be followed by man's final world war. This last war will be the result of clashing religions and the governments they sway. Billions will die! This time will far exceed even the very worst times in all human history.

As these events unfold, the world will increasingly become aware of the authenticity of the words in this book and realize that Ronald Weinland has been sent by God as His end-time prophet.

This book is primarily directed to the people of the three major religions of the world (Islam, Judaism and Christianity), whose roots are in the God of Abraham. Ronald Weinland has been sent to all three.

The prophesied end-time reveals the demise of the United States and the beginning of man's final war.

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News and Events § Appeal to the Jews Born in Romania 	  versiunea romana

Appeal to the Jews Born in Romania, who live in Israel and all over the world We are glad to inform you about that the Union of Jews Born in Romania (in short AMIR) has been founded in Israel. The goals of the Organization are the:

Creating a museum in Israel, which presents the images and the achievements of the Jews born in Romania - in Israel, in Romania and in other countries of the world.

Organizing the first International Congress of the Jews born in Romania who live world widely, in Jerusalem, in 2004. In order to achieve the two goals mentioned above, AMIR includes many various organizations of Jews born of Romania (from Israel and from other countries of the world), as well as Jewish people who were born in Romania and do not belong to any association. Being a member of AMIR doesn't affect on the activity of other Romanian Jewish organizations in any measure. (In Israel there are about 50 organizations of this kind. Therefore, the newly joined members of AMIR can continue their previous activities.)

We call upon and urge all the Jews who were born in Romania, no matter where they live today, to join us, in order to achieve and create the Museum of Romanian Judaism. We invite you, your children and your grandchildren as well, to the future International Congress of the Jews born in Romania! All answers, suggestions, contacts, and (for those who have the possibility) financial donations are welcomed!

We enclose the first issue of AMIR's newsletter hoping that it will become popular by means of the communication among all the Jews who were born in Romania. This request is addressed by the initiators of the Union of Native Jews of Romania - AMIR:

- General (res)) Moshe Nativ, chairman of the Union of Jews Born in Romania - AMIR - Adv. Itzhak Artzi, former member of the Knesset, former vice-mayor of Tel Aviv - Menahem Ariav, mayor of Nazareth-Illit - Moshe Nagor, chairman of Israeli-Romanian Friendship League

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	 16 - 22 November 2006

Issue No. 820 Region Current issue Previous issue Site map

Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

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In Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, Dina Ezzat seeks out the Israeli drive for peace Click to view caption Latif Dori (l) with Arafat and Uri Avnery; The Beit Hanoun town in the northern Gaza Strip on 8 November, 2006. Israeli shelling had killed 18 civilians, including women and children The straddle

Latif Dori, secretary of the Committee for Israeli-Palestinian Dialogue, likes to introduce himself as a friend of Yasser Arafat and a staunch opponent of the clinically dead Ariel Sharon. The 74-year-old member of the left- wing Meretz Party is equally keen on being identified as "a Jew of Arab origin" -- born in Baghdad and, as he likes to phrase it, "brought to Israel" in 1951.

This is his way of associating the rights of Arab Jews -- "second-class citizens of Israel, compared to their European counterparts" -- with those of Palestinians who obtained citizenship after the 1948 Nakba on the one hand and "the cause of Palestinians" living in territories occupied in 1967 on the other. He maintains that the former are, after all, "the third-class citizens of Israel".

Dori is particularly proud of his meetings with Arab leaders, including President Hosni Mubarak; he boasts of speaking fluent Arabic in Iraqi, Palestinian and Egyptian dialect -- and his jokes bear testimony to the fact. At his Tel Aviv Meretz Party bureau , Dori identifies himself as "a leftist Jew who has done everything he can to expose the Israeli massacres of Palestinians". Starting from Kafr Kassim, in the heart of historic Palestine, on 29 October 1956, through the Sharon-led 1982 slaughter of Palestinians in the camps of Sabra and Shatila south of Beirut, and up to the 1996 and 2006 Qana massacres -- the last mentioned at the hands of Nobel peace laureate Shimon Peres, a symbol of the Israeli left, and the current Ehud Olmert -- the genocide, he says, will likely go on.

Dori can spend hours telling the story of how he entered Kafr Kassim in secret, hours after Israeli soldiers had murdered Palestinian civilians in cold blood. It was with the testimonies he then collected that the public outcry which eventually forced the then prime minister Ben Gorion to acknowledge the massacre was made. "These massacres," Dori insists, "should not be forgotten. Along with Palestinian friends, this year, I commemorated 50 years since Kafr Kassim." But it is arguably his own predicament as "a Jew of an Arab origin" that he commemorates most often.

One day, he says, when the state stops discriminating against them, the history of those "brought to Israel" -- whether by force or through the illusion of a "perfect homeland" -- must be told in its entirety. Their contribution to the making of Israel, he complains, is barely acknowledged, with very few books dealing with them: "They only talk about those who came from Europe."

This is interesting in the light of the number of Arabic books on Arab Jews, most of which, admittedly, point a positive picture of pre-Israel Jewish life in the Arab world. In her latest book, for example, historian Zobida Mohamed Atta argues that, except for a few isolated instances, Jews were not persecuted in the Arab world, that the majority of them felt as much a sense of belonging to their countries as any other citizens, and that they all formed an integral part of Arab society until they left, whether to Israel, Europe or North America. It is a view Dori shares, his own life bearing ample testimony to its veracity. "I was brought to Israel," he repeats, with a sigh, "from my hometown of Baghdad when I was only a teenager enjoying a good life with no problems at all."

Under Nouri Al-Said's government, he elaborated, the Jewish Agency could "buy us at 10 dinars per person". Each Iraqi Jew was allowed no more than 20kg of clothing and given 50 dinars together with a permanent exit visa: "It was actually written in our passports: exit with no return." The process was not particularly popular in the Jewish community, Dori says, especially in Baghdad. "Why should we want to leave? We had good lives, we are well-educated, with well- paid jobs."

A few weeks after the first "batches" were transferred, the community suddenly embraced the deal. "There were a few explosions near the synagogue. Jews were told they were targeted and should fear for their lives." Within months some 10,000 Jews had boarded planes to Israel, he said.

But "the perfect homeland" was not so perfect: once they were handed new identity cards, Dori and his family were "put on a truck and driven for hours into the desert, to be unloaded into our tents". For these well- off Baghdad Jews the sight was a shock -- all the worse in the light of being told that they would stay there for months. "Later we realised it was really years -- five years." A respectable civil servant, nearly 60 by the time he arrived, Dori's father was required to dig to help build housing compounds. "Many wanted to go back; they simply could not. We were no longer Iraqi citizens, so all we could do was stay on and somehow make a living."

The sense of having been tricked was doubled when they realised the attacks that caused the scare, back in Baghdad, had been orchestrated by none other than the Jewish Agency.

They had been deceived for the sake of substantiating the new country. But had they not been better off in their original homes? Was the creation of Israel in their interest? "It was in the interest of Jews from Europe," Dori says unequivocally -- not only to make up for their suffering under the Nazis but because, in Israel, they instantly became "the privileged minority". At this point Jews from the East were the majority, and the Arabs in particular were discriminated against.

When a new group arrived from Romania, for example, Dori remembers seeing them settling in brand-new apartment buildings while his own people stayed on in tents; when they were moved out, indeed, it was to a barracks, and the Dori family had to seek funds from relatives in Baghdad to afford an apartment on the outskirts of what would become Tel Aviv.

With other Eastern Jews, Dori called for "equal rights"; the Labour Party never responded. "In 1977 we made Maapai pay the price -- we supported Likud, which remains the party favoured by Eastern Jews even to this day." The downside was Likud's reluctance to make peace with Arabs, even despite its settlement with Egypt. Nor did it bring about justice as fully as Dori had hoped.

With Labour, Likud or indeed Kadima, Dori wonders, is justice possible in a state founded on the principal of excluding the other? "The future is bleak for all of us," he says. "Israel's current rulers are not interested in making peace; they've built a racist wall separating us from our neighbours; they're bringing in more Russians to make Eastern Jews a minority; they're building settlements. Peace has been so elusive, precisely because they want it on exclusively Israeli terms."

As far as Dori is concerned, a peace settlement should not be as hard as all that. It should devise "a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with some adjustments. A return of some 100,000 refugees to the state of Israel, because it would be war if the entire four million Palestinian refugees were to come back. West Bank refugees to be replaced with settlers. And East Jerusalem to be recognised as the Palestinian capital provided that the Jewish quarter remains under the control of Israel."

Suddenly, Dori's position seems questionable. Is it fair to deny those who survived the massacres the right of return? And what is wrong about a one-state solution, given that Jews lived peaceably with Muslims and Jews in Palestine before 1948? Was 1948, in fact, the year of the Nakba or the year of the foundation of Israel? The question now, Dori insists, is how to achieve a two-state solution. "Once that is done, then we can have a confederation leading to a singe state. That confederation would ideally join the Arab League, in which case," he smiles wryly, "it could no longer be the Arab League but would have to be the Middle East League."

Chronicle of a disappearance

"We are a minority," cries Michael Warschawski, co-chairman of the Alternative Information Centre and member of Taayosh (Co- existence), a Palestinian-Israeli gathering of mostly left-wing activists focussed mainly on Israeli society. "Our voice is terribly marginal."

Since the day he moved to Israel from France as a theology student in the years following the Nakba, Warschawski, or rather Micado, as his often Palestinian friends call him, has been speaking, writing, demonstrating, getting beaten up and jailed for opposing Israeli occupation of Palestinian land and what he refers to, again and again, as "the oppressive treatment" of Palestinians.

Micado is just over 50, energetic and dedicated. But speaking to Al-Ahram Weekly in East Jerusalem, his body language reflects utter frustration with what his government is doing, whether to Palestinians -- be they Israeli citizens, residents of occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank, or inhabitants of Gaza. With the segregation by the wall, humiliation at checkpoints, imprisonment of over a million Palestinians in Gaza: only a very few Jewish Israelis -- "20, 30, 40 or maybe a few more" -- are willing to oppose such measures. It makes Micado angry and ashamed that so few of his countrymen will champion justice. He asserts that speaking out against Israel's occupation and discrimination against its own citizens, not only the Palestinians of 1948, but Jews of Arab origin, is not about politics or international law. It is first and foremost about being human. "It is what I think a good Jew, indeed any religious person, should do, which is to spare the other. As a Jew with a long history of oppression and demonisation, I cannot accept what Israel is doing to Palestinians."

It is this "sense of responsibility", he says, together with awareness of how few people there are willing to stand by Palestinian rights, that has kept him in the country. "It is true that I love the landscape of Jerusalem but I feel I have a challenge to live up to. [It is the challenge] to speak to those Israelis, whom I almost pity, against the misleading Zionist propaganda to which they have been constantly subjected." It is a challenge he accepts against the odds. Polls conducted during the recent Israeli war on Lebanon point to the increasing fragility of the Israeli peace camp; most Israelis -- including the bulk of the left, the traditional bastion of peace activism -- were supportive of the war, looking to the elimination of Hizbullah.

Indeed the lack of anti-war protests prompted criticism from within. In the last days of the war, Yariv Oppenheimer, secretary-general of left-wing Zionist Peace Now movement, told the press there was no peace now. Micado speaks of "the collapse of the peace movement in Israel". Some peace activists see the heyday of the call for peace in the wake of the 1982 Sabra and Shatila massacre, though others were dismayed by the impact they made on the image of Israel. For Micado, those were "more active times", but even then, he says, many would not acknowledge the truth of what the Israeli government was doing, not only in Lebanon but, more significantly, to Palestinians under occupation. Now, there is no longer even a modicum of acknowledgement of the need for compromise.

"Now," he explains, "we who oppose the notion that there is no partner for peace on the Palestinian side and that it is Palestinians who should be held responsible are but a small minority. The government is making deals with Europe and the Americans," Micado sounds dismayed as he says this. "Palestinians simply do not count."

For Micado, Israeli violations date back to the mid-1950s, when as a child he was shocked by the brutality of an Israeli soldier towards a Palestinian woman, long before the invasion of Lebanon: "To me there was no difference between this arrogance and brutality and that of Nazi occupation soldiers towards the French as recounted by my father." There are countless stories: lines of Palestinian villagers trying to cross the checkpoint, only to end up dead a few hours later.

However, Micado and his wife's dedication to the struggle against occupation disgraced their children: "My son used to disown us. His friends at school would tell him that his parents were not lawyers but terrorists." It is what he calls "the mentality of paranoia", which also leads to the accumulation of traditional and new-fangled weapons, including nuclear arms. "If you consider the whole world a threat and, as Barak puts it, Israel 'the villa in the jungle', you can no longer lead a human life. If war were eternal and inevitable, if we really believe that everybody is out to get us, what is the point of being here? Why not just take our children and go?"

"Micado is truly unique," commented human rights activist Khulood Badawi, another member of Taayosh. "It's true there are only a few dozen like him among Israeli Jews." Born to a Palestinian family that survived the Nakba in historic Palestine, Badawi is a secular Muslim intent on co-existence. As she stressed, however, it is not enough that the "1948 Arabs" or other Palestinians should be willing to co-exist if Israelis are not. The effectively limited opposition to the construction of the wall that is eating up at and further fragmenting Palestinian villages, she said, is a clear indication of how shallow the will to co-exist is among Israelis.

"In the euphoria that followed Oslo, people were under the impression that peace was within sight; but in fact, while Israelis were enjoying the fruits of Oslo, Palestinian society was suffocating under poverty, crossings and checkpoints. Neither Peace Now nor Meretz did anything about it. Even worse, they subscribed to the negative labels that were attached to Palestinians. For the vast majority of Israelis, even those who profess themselves as peace activists, Palestinians are good only insofar as they agree to compromise their rights. Israeli Arabs are good only insofar as they remain a minority. There is no real desire for co-existance."

Unlike those of other peace movements, members of Taayosh are subject to harassment by the authorities -- not, according to Badawi, that this is going to stop them from speaking out against the atrocities of the occupation, but also about the ineffectiveness of the Israeli peace camp as well.

The wider peace camp will tend to dismiss such accusations, however. "What are we to do?" declaimed Yossi Beilin, a prominent left- wing member of the Knesset. "Our role is to talk, try to convince." A veteran of the peace movement -- as he perceives himself and is perceived by most of his friends, many of whom are Arab -- in his office Beilin hangs a photo of himself as a young man smiling at an inexplicably joyful Anwar El-Sadat, the former president of Egypt who famously made peace with Israel. Yet it was none other than Beilin who, during the war on Lebanon, suggested that, instead of Lebanon, Israel should undertake military operations against specific military targets associated with Hizbullah training in Syria. "By damaging the whole of Beirut we achieved nothing. What we should have done was to get the training camps we know exist in Syria."

Contrary to "the mistaken" approach of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, Beilin suggested that Israel should start peace talks with Syria -- which is "undoubtedly the key" to a comprehensive settlement -- as soon as possible: "For me Syria is the address to either retaliation or negotiation." No need to critique the war too much, apparently: "No war can be a great thing. War is an option for every state." And sadly he is not alone in such convictions.

"I go to the army because this is my duty," says Yariv Oppenheimer, general director of Peace Now, "even as a peace activist." On his mobile phone, Oppenheimer proudly keeps one picture of himself in military uniform, another in a demonstration against the war on Lebanon -- pulled together towards the few last days of the war. In his car, a uniform lies alongside Peace Now booklets. As far as he is concerned, there is no contradiction between serving in an occupation army and being a peace activist. Israel has occupied "the Arab people" because "it had to in 1967"; today it has no partner with whom to make peace. And rephrasing Olmert, he asks, "even if we were willing to sacrifice parts of what we call the Holy Land, who do we talk to end the occupation?"

It may sound paradoxical that Oppenheimer is widely disliked by right- wingers for his views -- ostracised by other soldiers who had to evacuate Israeli settlements in Gaza against their best judgement, rejected by his commanders for announcing that he would disobey an order to kill a civilian who does not pose a threat and avoid shooting children throwing stones at Israeli soldiers. For settlers in particular, his name is bad news. "They would never want to talk to me," he says, "but I try to talk to them... We need to work on public opinion."

His ideas are pragmatic at their best: he believes that Israel must strengthen Abbas by releasing soldiers; Israel must talk to Hamas and Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad because they are the ones who make decisions; Israel must pursue the Arab peace initiative since it is the only holistic peace plan on the table. When it comes to the occupied territories, however, Oppenheimer is reticent. He knows little about the occupied territories and has never been to a Palestinian refugee camp. It is not his call, he insists: "I have not been to Ramallah or Nablus. It is not part of my work. We are not a human rights organisation."

For their part, Jessica Montell, Sarit Michaeli and Naijib Abu Rokaya of the Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories (B'TSELEM) spend most of their time in the occupied territories and refugee camps. They argue that all humans are born free with equal rights. In one of its most recent reports, B'TSELEM quoted the number of Palestinian prisoners from Gaza and the West Bank: They number 9,000, the vast majority of whom are detained inside Israel's sovereign territory, not in the occupied territories. This is a flagrant breach of international humanitarian law, which prohibits the transfer of civilians, including detainees and prisoners, from the occupied territory to the territory of the occupying state. Israel's disregard for this prohibition is one of the main reasons that prisoners and their families are unable to exercise their right to visits in any reasonable way.

The report "sheds light on the many difficulties and the suffering faced by the prisoners' families, residents of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, in their efforts to visit their relatives imprisoned in Israel". The organisation also broaches issues of restriction of movement of Palestinians, the wall and the use of lethal force in Gaza. Since the second Intifada, B'TSELEM representatives say, the call for peaceful co-existence has been all but silenced within Israeli society.

"Israeli public opinion is now [in a mindset of] personal security... and of the global war on terror," says Montell. "Even the huge humanitarian suffering of Palestinians in Gaza is unlikely to elicit public sympathy. They say the Palestinians voted for Hamas and so forced us to do this to them. Actually, they do not really want to know what is happening in Gaza or elsewhere. Their understanding is that there is no peace because it is the Palestinians' fault and that is that."

Given that the government is in the process of employing Avidgor Lieberman, recently described by Gosh Shalom as "a racist and a threat to the fabric of Israeli society", and that the peace camp has had little to say about the 33-day war on Lebanon, it is hard to see how Israel could be making peace any time soon.

According to Micado, indeed, "the government is weak and so is the society -- even though the state is strong." He will not be alone in thinking that weak governments and societies will sooner look for an excuse to go to war, than exert the least effort to make peace.

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